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Green women

The Green Party is the only major British political party to be led by a woman, and the only party that at many levels has rules to ensure gender balance is maintained in officials and candidates. But why does that matter? Green councillors and candidates identify three main issues: equity, ability and electability. Angela Thomson, an Eastern region European election candidate puts the first issue simply and clearly: “About 52% of the UK population is female, so 52% of the candidates ought to be female too.” Cllr Amy Kennedy from Brighton notes that fewer than 20% of MPs in Westminster are female. She says: “We need more women to stand for local government to ensure fair representation for women at a local level, with the ultimate aim of boosting female representation nationally, and to torpedo the notion that women are in some way less suited to politics and public life.” The second is the skills, experience, abilities and interests that women can bring to elected positions. You don’t have to believe in any sort of biological determinism to see that. Shan Oakes, second on the list for Yorks & the Humber Euro Elections 2009, explains that in her view: “In general, women and children are marginalised from the establishment and so are not distorted by the establishment culture, with its focus on capitalism and growth.” Cllr Maya de Souza from Camden, who is also the Green Party’s equality and diversity coordinator and a member of the government’s Black Asian and Minority Ethnic Women Councillors’ Taskforce, says: “Gender is still one of the primary determinants of social roles and experiences in our society. Women are vastly more likely to have spent time in caring roles; they have experience of discrimination; and simply they share experiences with half of the electorate that men have not had.” Cllr Sue Luxton from Lewisham adds that the chance to approach a female representative is terribly important to some constituents. “I’ve had domestic abuse cases where women from other wards have approached me rather than the male councillors in their own ward, presumably because they felt more comfortable talking to a woman.” Women too often take up issues and actions to help other women. Responding to an initiative from Cllr Kennedy, Brighton and Hove council this year became one of the first local authorities in the country to sign up to the Fawcett Society Charter, which committed it to reviewing its internal procedures to ensure they adequately address situations that may lead to women being viewed as ‘objects’ and auditing employee expenses to ensure its cash is not being spent in lap dancing clubs. Cllr Luxton adds: “ I’ve also been supporting the Object/Fawcett Society campaign re licensing laws for lapdancing, which other councillors seemed to ignore until an application locally caused uproar.” The Green Party leader, Caroline Lucas, has focused attention on the issue of teenage pregnancy in the constituency, Brighton and Hove, where she is the parliamentary candidate. She has noted that while issues of sex education and access to contraception, efforts must also consider the wider issue of the sexualisation of childhood in the media, “with ‘Playboy’ branded school equipment a top seller and adverts seeking to persuade girls that being sexually active is a mark of success in today’s society”. And finally, but far from unimportantly, electorates like to vote for female candidates, and particularly female Greens. Thomson says: “I’ve seen a three-seat ward where three women from three different parties have been chosen by voters.” The conclusion that women candidates can produce new enthusiasm among all voters, not just women voters, is backed by research into Westminster elections, where in seats where a female MP was elected, turnout among female voters was 9 percentage points higher than in seats where a man was elected. Turnout among male voters also rose by 5 percentage points in seats which elected a female MP. So why is even the Green Party still having to work hard to get gender balance among candidates? Discussion of this issue at gatherings of Green women often note that women are less likely to volunteer to stand for elected office, waiting until they are asked and sometimes lacking the confidence to push themselves forward. That’s not unique to the Green Party: academic research among female parliamentary candidates for other parties has found that they are more likely to say that they are “pushed” or “persuaded” to stand than male candidates. There are also the practical problems of women’s load of caring, work and other responsibilities. A survey of female councillors from all parties in 2000 found that the difficulty of balancing the responsibilities of home life with council work was the most reported barrier to women’s progression in local politics, cited by 74% of respondents. These are issues that the Green Party has for some time been looking to address, ensuring that selection procedures are open and welcoming and that female candidates are encouraged, says Cllr de Souza. “But we still hope to do more, and are now conducting research into ways that we can approach gender equality in all of our candidate groups.”

Green Economics: An Introduction to Theory, Policy and Practice

Even those who promote environmentally sound solutions to today’s issues often reduce the crisis to little more than an exercise of carbon accountancy, an approach that can leave the reader cold. Molly Scott Cato’s book is different. Expertly revealed through its chapters is an altogether more human approach to economics and the environment, one which is both scientifically literate and philosophically grounded. We are first introduced to the early pioneers of green economics; the contributions of well known figures such as James Robertson, Ernst Schumacher and Hazel Henderson are discussed, as well as those of some surprising figures from the 19th Century and before (whom Cato refers to as the proto-greens). Once the scene is set, issues such as work, money and business are discussed from a green perspective, which she notes as distinct from either environmentalism or radical socialism. Finally the book deals with the policy context, giving practical green solutions to problems concerning taxation, welfare, land and of course - globalisation. What is particularly refreshing in this account of a sustainable economy is the author’s positive language and practical thinking. She clearly believes that green politics is achievable, perhaps even inevitable, and her confidence is infectious. Nowhere is this enthusiasm better expressed than in the wonderful phrase ‘more fun; less stuff’, a prerequisite for a sustainable society and a powerful retort to those who believe ‘going green’ would mean a life of drudgery. However, Green Economics is more than the usual textbook on localism and sustainability; it is a direct challenge to an academic discipline that has lost its way. For a generation, economists have searched for scientific certainty and concentrated on complex mathematical models, neglecting important issues such as morality and spiritual fulfilment. The so-called ‘physics envy’ of a social science. Could this blinkered view be the reason their theories have failed so spectacularly? As the author herself acknowledges this is by no means an original work but a collection of ideas and examples of ‘right living’ from all around the world, including her own community in Stroud, Gloucestershire. Some topics do feel as if they have been covered a little too briefly. It would have been good to see more discussion of the diversity and resilience of a localised economy and how this would shield us from the chaotic world economy. But as an attempt to bring together the often disjointed works of green economists, and in the process establish a new academic discipline, Green Economics is a valuable contribution. Just one year ago the tenets laid out in this book would have been considered radical. Now, with the collapse of markets all around the world, they represent a modest, common sense approach towards a sustainable future. At last, here is a serious book on economics which has a clear narrative and is enjoyable to read.

An emphasis on crime prevention

Part of the way we would achieve the emphasis on crime prevention is to create a new government ministry/department of crime prevention. New Labour has belatedly seen the problems of the old structure but has gone for different reassembling which mirrors our call for a ministry of justice, but not for crime prevention. This is sad because it is the latter that would be more effective in reducing crime and the fear of crime. What is important therefore about our policies is that we would actually re-orientate policing away from solely being about justice and order, the status quo, towards preventing crime in the first place. This would have enormous knock-on benefits for the police culturally. It is vital that police recognise that the citizens they police are the citizens they serve, and this will ultimately only be achieved by a cultural shift. The Green Party shares the traditional principles of what policing should be - stopping crime happening in the first place, being accountable to local people, having good relations with the public. We have the relevant policies to achieve it - focus on crime prevention, not just detection; and, above all, recognition that the police and the public are not two opposing sides in conflict. Matt Follett is Policy Co-ordinator (which he shares with Brian Heatley) on GPEx. He is also a university lecturer in criminology and Leader of the Green Party on Leicester City Council.

Green Changing

If we are to reconnect people and politics, a new type of politics is needed – one in which major issues are seriously debated, in which all parts of society are represented and in which politicians are accountable to those who elected them. But we cannot get it with ‘old’ style elections and all their empty confrontation and silenced voices. It’s patently obvious we need to change the way we elect our MPs, but are politicians best placed to set the rules for their own game? Ken Ritchie looks at the case for proportional representation Never has the case for electoral reform been stronger. We face the most serious economic recession for decades, and yet we are being led through it by a Government that was supported by just 35% of the voters – only 21% of electors when turnout is taken into account. This surely is a time that requires strong government, but strong in the sense that it has a strong mandate from the electorate. In the coming months we need a new campaign to change these rules through a referendum on our voting system. Labour promised such a referendum in 1997 but, while it did much to reform our constitution, electoral reform for the Commons was a step too far for a government with a comfortable majority. In 2001 and 2005 Labour manifestos made the point that the right way to change the voting system would be through a referendum, but at no time has a referendum featured seriously on Labour’s agenda. Labour has now left it too late. Even if it wanted to change the voting system before the next general election, there is not enough time to complete the process. As a result, in 2010, if not earlier, we will face another election in which most votes don’t count, which will be decided in a small number of marginal constituencies, and which is likely to be ‘won’ by a party with far from a majority of the votes. But there is still one option open to Labour: a referendum on election day. It would not make the next election any better, but it would give us a chance to vote to make it the last election under our hopelessly dysfunctional system. Even in the safest of seats people would have an incentive to turn out to vote for change, and it would ensure that electoral reform is not an issue candidates can duck in the heat of the campaign. In 2001 and 2005, Labour’s excuse for not holding a referendum was that the Government was reviewing Britain’s experience of the new electoral systems used in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and in London and European elections. The review was strung out for seven years, but the eventual report was quite a fair assessment. Proportional representation, it noted, changed the way governments are formed and the way executives and parliaments relate; PR gave smaller parties representation; and with PR (and in particular with STV), “voters have a greater degree of choice in elections and a greater chance of their vote counting in terms of who gets elected”. So, if our experience of electoral reform is generally good, why are we not getting a referendum? Here we come up against the old problem of major parties hoping, often against the odds, that they can seize power on a minority of the votes, and many politicians are happier with a system that gives them safe seats rather than one that might make them uncomfortably accountable. MPs might be mildly tolerant of electoral reform in devolved institutions, but it is another matter if it affects their own jobs. If we are to have a referendum on election day, we need to act fast in generating a powerful campaign to persuade the Government to go for it. Here are just some of the things we can do: • Let’s make sure every MP knows there is a demand for an referendum, and that support at the election may depend on how they respond to that demand. The more letters MPs receive the better (or emails, but always remember to add your address to demonstrate you are a constituent), and better still is a visit to an MP’s surgery. • Labour MPs need to be reminded that a referendum is something their party has promised, and we don’t want politicians who break their promises. • Letters in local papers can also add to the pressure on MPs, particularly if they result in others joining the campaign. • Let’s get our friends in on the action through the internet: Facebook and Youtube make it easy for us to contact hundreds of people – it worked for Obama and it can work for us. • Environmental organisations need to use their muscle. RSPB alone has more members that all of the parties combined. Of course there are constraints on what charities can do, but they can publicise the need for change (e.g. “Wouldn’t it be good if a referendum led to a government that had to pay more attention to us!”). • If you are a student, get your student union or youth organisation to add to the demand for a referendum – younger people don’t want tired, old politics – and make sure MPs know about it. If you want more ideas or material to support your arguments - or if have ideas that could help the campaign - contact referendum@electoral-reform.org.uk. We want to hear from you because we need your support. The campaign for a referendum is undoubtedly ambitious, but if won the prize could be the transformation of British politics.

Young Greens - the future of the Party

The Young Greens mission is to convince a disillusioned youth that the Greens are more than a single-issue party.

Given its relatively young age, the prominence of the Young Greens has grown rapidly. In schools, universities and local communities, the youth wing of the Green Party has united youth activists across the country. This success is partly due to an increasing environmental consciousness amongst the population at large; however, the success is also due to the enthusiasm and determination of the Young Greens. It has been up to us to convince a disillusioned youth that we are not just a single issue party, but that we offer a radical alternative to the monotonous social polices that the mainstream parties churn out. Alternatives such as equal access to education, consistent opposition to war in Iraq and, unlike Cameron and Blair, we have been warning of the effects of climate change for decades, not weeks. All around the country vibrant groups of Young Greens are spreading this message. For example, in East London Young Greens have been campaigning for several years to prevent the closure of Queens Market, perhaps Europe’s most ethnically diverse market, that provides fresh food to thousands of working class people in the East End. At the London School of Economics, Greens have been campaigning for a ‘Living Wage’ for their cleaners, against their university’s investment in the arms trade and against the appointment of Peter Sutherland, the current Chair of BP, as the Chair-Elect of the School’s Governing Body. Such enthusiastic and principled activism is being mirrored at more and more campuses every year as Young Green groups are founded and continue to prosper. Nationally, Young Greens have campaigned against tuition fees at national marches and are this year focussing on issues regarding xenophobia and against Trident, a policy which has clear ramifications for generations to come. We have also canvassed (successfully) for local parties such as Oxford, Norwich and Islington, gaining valuable experience and providing a valuable resource for the wider Party. Ironically, even this New Labour government recognises the campaigning work of Young Greens. Last year, Young Green Sofia Zabolotskih was named as one of the Government’s Climate Change Champions after a competition was organised to encourage young people to warn of the effects of climate change. But offering a viable alternative is not just about protesting against polices we disagree with, but about implementing those that will make our society more socially just and environmentally sustainable. Young Greens are being elected across the country and are a growing force in the student movement. Last year saw the first ever Young Green, Joe Rooney, elected to the National Union of Students (NUS) National Executive. Around the country Greens are being elected in their universities’ own campus elections; in Nottingham, Chloe Cheeseman was elected as one of the University’s NUS delegates with more first preferences than nearly all of the other candidates put together.

NO MORE OIL, TIGERS EXTINCT AND CLIMATE CHANGE HITTING HARD - HOW YOUNG PEOPLE SEE THE WORLD IN 25 YEARS In 25 years the oil will run out and tigers will be extinct in the wild, according to a uniquely wide-ranging survey of young people’s expectations of the future by the sustainable-development charity Forum for the Future and the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS). Those surveyed believe lifestyles will need to change radically if human civilisation is to survive into the next century. And they see themselves becoming much more environmentally active in the next decade to help do their bit towards achieving this. The Future Leaders Survey 2006-2007, a major report published on 24 January, provides a fascinating insight into the hopes, fears and expectations of 54,240 of the UK’s brightest young people - respondents to a questionnaire sent to all university and college applicants aged 17-21 for the academic year 2006-2007. The findings suggest a widespread sense that today’s business and political leaders are failing us on climate change but provide a powerful mandate from young people to take radical action. Young women are shown to be significantly more concerned about the future than men - and more environmentally active. Asked to consider what the world will be like in 25 years, a narrow majority of people expect quality of life in the UK to have improved but 91% think climate change will be hitting hard and 80% think inequality between rich and poor countries will grow. Two thirds believe global oil reserves will have run out, 74% expect to be talking to their computers instead of using a keyboard and 70% think tigers will be extinct in the wild. Most are optimistic that human civilisation will survive into the next century, but 76% believe lifestyles need to change radically across the board or in many areas for this to be achieve. Source: Forum for the Future / UCAS

Agitate, educate and organise Perhaps the most meteoric rise has been that of the LSE Green Party where the Greens are the largest political party with around 30 per cent of the Students’ Union Executive. As more and more of Britain’s population is educated at university, the Young Greens will play an increasingly important role in enabling people to make the connection between voting Green and getting the effective and necessary change required to achieve economic and ecological justice, both locally and globally. It is therefore essential that the Young Greens are given the support and resources to continue to ‘agitate, educate and organise’ amongst the youth of today, if we are to ever achieve the better tomorrow that we all want to see.

Green View

As a member of the Metropolitan Police Authority for the last nine years, and a protester for more than 40 years, I have been a critical friend of the police, defending them when I see the coverage is unfair, but making it clear when I think they have got it wrong, on many occasions. On 1 April, they got it disastrously wrong. At the G20 demo they took away the liberty, the civil liberties and the human rights of hundreds of people who were protesting peacefully, who had every right to protest and who needed the police’s support. What the police did to the fluffy, happy, musical, picnicking Climate Camp part of the protest was violent and unprovoked. Who gave the order to go in and hit and kick and trample people who had their hands raised in the air? Who amongst those police thought it was the right thing to do? As more footage and more complaints come to light, I am starting to doubt that the police can clean up this mess inside themselves and make middle Britain believe in them again. Most of us think that the majority of police officers probably behaved well, in the face of the violent minority who joined the demo of innocent, peace loving protesters, but they are let down by those officers who behaved badly. In order to challenge a culture of policing which sees hiding your numbers or hitting passive people with the edge of your shield as acceptable, the police are, at the very least, going to have to overhaul their public order tactics and their training. It has been said that this is a pivotal point for the police and they probably won’t be able to ever police in the same way again - let’s make that true so that we get a police force that isn’t trying to repress free speech or take away tourists’ cameras, and instead is actually upholding the law, including the right to peaceful protest.

POLICE

The recent policing of protests and use of terrorism powers have called into question just how measured the UK government’s use of the police force is. But it doesn’t have to be this way, says Matt Follett: the Green Party has policies that will return the police to the purpose for which they were intended Given the media controversy over the policing of the G20 protests one would be forgiven for thinking that policing has changed little since the bad old days of the 1980s. In terms of what criminologists call ‘public order policing’ of protests one would probably be right. It seems increasingly clear that whatever improvements have been made over the last 20 years in terms of ‘community policing’ (and there is certainly evidence that improvements have occurred), there is some way to go before citizens who engage in political activism can feel 100% certain that they will be treated fairly by our boys in blue. Sir Robert Peel established the first real police force in the UK in 1829. His basic tenets of policing remain as relevant today as they ever did (see box, right). From these we can see a) that recent events did not subscribe to this approach, and b) the Green Party stance is very near to these original principles. Currently Green Party policy on policing does not necessarily go into great detail, but the principles are clear. The one I wish to focus on is the following:

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